Introduction
For over three decades, the factors that cause individuals to assist the needy have been of interest to psychologists. Early research conducted by psychologists studied helping in emergencies or other unexpected and short-term situations. More recently, research began to focus on helping in long-term situations (Stukas, Snyder, & Clary, 1999). Pre-arranged and ongoing commitment to providing service and support to others is known as volunteering (Baumeister & Bushman, 2008). The social psychologists E. Gil Clary and Mark Snyder are prominent researchers in the field of the psychology of volunteering. They have examined major theories of volunteerism, these being the functional theory and symbolic interactionism. They have also examined possible consequences of making volunteering a compulsory task. Clary and Snyder have identified the motivational functions that volunteering satisfies. Finally, they have conducted thorough research to help support their theories.
Theories on psychology of volunteerism
Clary et al. (1998) have recommended taking on a motivational perspective when addressing the questions of why individuals choose to volunteer and what factors support volunteerism over prolonged time periods. This is because such questions address the same concerns that are central to the motivational perspective; these being what are the processes that start, guide and maintain courses of action.
Clary et al. (1998) have selected the functional theory to deal with these motivational questions. This theory examines which personal and social purposes do a person's thoughts, emotions and actions serve (Clary et al., 1998, as cited in Snyder, 1993). According to Clary et al., this theory has helped to develop the understanding of the processes involved in attitudes, persuasion, personality, social cognition and social relationships. This theory thus has the potential to increase understanding of the psychology of volunteerism. The functional theory holds at least three key principles relating to volunteerism. An important assertion of this theory is that individuals choose to perform similar tasks in order to attend to different psychological functions (Clary et al., 1998; Clary & Snyder, 1999). An alternative explanation of this theory, one that helps to explain volunteerism more clearly, is that individuals will partake in the same volunteer task to satisfy different motives. Also, this theory states that major psychological events, especially choosing to volunteer, relies on individuals identifying to themselves what their motives are, then selecting situations that can meet these psychological needs (Clary & Snyder). The functional theory also encourages the consideration of a broad selection of personal and social motivations that promote volunteerism (Clary et al.).
The functional approach helps to explain the psychology of volunteerism, as does another theory used in social psychology, known as symbolic interactionism. This term was originally coined by the sociologist Herbert Blumer in 1937. According to one of the basic assertions of this perspective, individuals act toward things based on the meanings they link to those things (Blumer, 1986). This perspective is relevant to volunteerism and studies conducted by Clary et al. (1998) have helped to confirm this theory. The major influence that determines if an individual will or will not choose to undertake volunteer work is whether the work is linked to their own psychological motives.
The importance of volunteers to community welfare is generally well understood by society. Yet some institutions have made volunteerism a compulsory activity. For instance, some high schools in the United States include volunteer work as a requirement for student graduation. These institutions tend to hold the belief that mandating volunteerism will cause individuals to integrate prosocial values into their belief systems (Stukas, Snyder, & Clary, 1999). However, research has contradicted this viewpoint. If individuals recognize that they volunteer only when required and not of their own accord, they may be less likely to volunteer later on. Requiring individuals to volunteer may also give rise to psychological reactance. This is where placing controls on a person's freedom results in them attempting to re-establish their free will. This can be achieved by deviating from the required task and declining to continue performing it in future situations (Stukas, Snyder, & Clary).
The Volunteer Functions Inventory
While studying and analyzing the psychology of volunteerism, Clary and Snyder (1999) developed an implement designed to measure volunteers' motivations, known as the Volunteer Functions Inventory (VFI). The VFI offers six motivational functions that are satisfied by volunteerism. The first of these is the values function, that is, volunteering presents individuals with occasions on which they are able to express altruistic and charitable values, as well as compassionate feelings they hold for others. Consideration for other individuals is a common trait for those who choose to volunteer, sets volunteers apart from non-volunteers and helps to estimate whether volunteers will fully complete their duties (Clary et al., 1998). The second is the understanding function; that is, volunteers will often receive the opportunity to learn new skills or to understand more about the world in general. Through volunteering, an individual may be able to utilize knowledge and skills that are usually unused, and to develop new knowledge and skills through hands-on experience (Clary et al.). The third is the enhancement function, that is, individuals who are currently experiencing a positive mental state may choose to volunteer in order to enhance their positive mood. Also, by choosing to volunteer, individuals are able to undergo psychological growth, personal development and increases in self-esteem. This function involves a motivational procedure that focuses on developing positive attitudes relating to the ego (Clary et al.).
The fourth is the career function; that is, individuals may be able to gain experience in their chosen career by doing volunteer work in a similar field. This would increase their chances of being selected for their desired job later on (Clary et al., 1998). The fifth is the social function, which reflects individuals' motivations relating to social relationships. Volunteering may be socially rewarding in that it enables individuals to build new friendships or to strengthen current friendships. If an individual takes part in a task for which others have a particularly high opinion, this will probably reflect well on the individual (Clary et al.). The sixth is the protective function. It is derived from another principle of the functional theory, which states that individuals are motivated to ensure that their self-esteem levels are protected. This function involves a motivational procedure that focuses on eliminating negative attitudes relating to the ego. Volunteerism may assist this motivational procedure by reducing negative feelings an individual may be experiencing, such as guilt over appearing to be more fortunate than others are. Volunteering may also serve as a means for individuals to address, or temporarily escape from, their personal problems (Clary et al.). Volunteers commonly report that values, understanding and enhancement are the most important functions, whereas career, social and protective are the least important functions (Clary & Snyder, 1999).
Research on psychology of volunteerism
As Clary et al. (1998) developed the VFI, they conducted two series of studies. Their first set of studies focused on demonstrating the reliability and validity of the VFI. The functional approach to volunteerism is based on the assumption that the motivations linked to volunteering can be accurately identified and measured. Clary et al. have observed that previous measurements of volunteers' motivations have used implements that are not based on any psychological theories, and the reliability and validity of which are uncertain. Their first study thus addressed the need for an implement that reliably and validly measures volunteers' motivations. They tested the VFI by asking each member of a group of currently active volunteers to indicate how important the different motivations were to them. The findings from this research provided evidence that both supported the functional approach to volunteers' motivations, and demonstrated the reliability and validity of the VFI (Clary et al.). Clary et al. also acknowledged the importance of examining volunteers' motivations, and the VFI, in other populations. The participants in their first study were all active volunteers with an average age of 40.9 years. The researchers thus conducted a second study that used a sample of university students, some of which were volunteers and others were not. The results demonstrated the reliability and validity of the VFI in a population that has greater diversity in age and volunteering experiences (Clary et al.).
The second set of studies conducted by Clary et al. (1998) tested hypotheses related to each stage of the course of volunteering, these being volunteer recruitment, volunteers' satisfaction and volunteers' commitment. Their first study examined and supported a key aspect of the functional theory, this being the value of coupling an individual's motivations with opportunities offered by the environment. The functional theory proffers a symbolic interactionism prediction. This is that the efficacy of messages persuading people to volunteer depends on how closely they match the motivations of the recipients of the message (Clary et al.). The results of their second study supported another aspect of the functional theory: if volunteer work enables an individual to satisfy their motivational goals, satisfaction with their volunteer work will be markedly increased (Clary et al.). Finally, the researchers conducted a third study to test an extension of the functional theory: volunteers whose motives are satisfied would be more likely to remain volunteers, both in the short-term and long-term, than volunteers who did not have the chance to achieve their motivational goals. The study confirmed this extension (Clary et al.).
Conclusion
It is therefore clear that Clary and Snyder have widely researched the psychology of volunteerism. They have identified its fundamental theories, explained how they are relevant and demonstrated their relevance through valid experimental studies. Volunteerism is a significant form of prosocial behaviour that is worthy of further research (Clary et al., 1998).
References
Baumeister, R. F., & Bushman, B. J. (2008). Social Psychology and Human Nature. Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth.
Blumer, H. (1986). Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Clary, E. G., Snyder, M., Ridge, R. D., Copeland, J., Stukas, A. A., Haugen, J., & Miene, P. (1998). Understanding and assessing the motivations of volunteers: A functional approach. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 1516-1530.
Clary, E. G. & Snyder, M. (1999). The motivations to volunteer: Theoretical and practical considerations. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 8, 156-159.
Stukas, A. A., Snyder, M., & Clary, E. G. (1999). The effects of "mandatory volunteerism" on intentions to volunteer. Psychological Science, 10, 59-64.
Appendix A: Self-assessment
For the theory component of assessment, I attempted to locate, understand and refer to relevant psychological theories throughout my blog, such as the functional theory. For the research component, I endeavoured to conduct a thorough search of the psychological literature. I made sure to check all of the leading psychology databases for relevant information, including Academic Search Premier, PsycINFO, Academic OneFile, Health Reference Center and PubMed Central. I used five references. I used this number of references, and not more, because the blog question asked me to refer to the work of two specific authors. I thus used the three most recent journal articles I could find; other articles by these authors tended to use similar information, and most of them were published more than a decade ago. For the written expression component, I achieved a Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level of 12.0, Flesch Reading Ease of 26.7 and 10% of the sentences were passive. Word count came to 1600 words. I included underlined subheadings in my blog to increase its reading ease, and aimed to follow the APA citation style.
For the online engagement component, I attempted to demonstrate a high level of engagement by including in my blog links to websites relating to volunteerism. I found and included one website that outlined the physical and emotional benefits of being a volunteer, and another website that listed inspirational quotes relating to volunteerism, many of which were made by well-known figures. I was also able to attract several meaningful comments to my blog. Finally, I attempted to improve from blog 1 by devoting time to reading other students' blogs and writing comments for them. I aimed to write at least ten different comments, which I have kept track of in my blog so that viewers can see which other blogs I wrote comments for.
Monday, October 29, 2007
Thursday, October 11, 2007
Inspirational material for volunteers
While looking for research on volunteerism, I also came across some other websites, the first being some volunteering quotes. For me, the most poignant quote was "...If you want to lift yourself up, lift up someone else", by B.T. Washington. I also found a webpage outlining some benefits of being a volunteer. One benefit was that when a person volunteers, their well being is improved due to building of friendships and an increase in self-esteem. I can identify with this idea through personal experience. During my last year at primary school, my peer group suddenly excluded me from their activities, leaving me on my own at lunchtime. I was able to avoid getting too depressed and thinking I was an unworthy person by taking on some volunteer jobs at lunchtime instead. I would go to the classrooms of the younger kids (who had their lunch break at a different time to the older kids) and carry out various duties in the classrooms to assist their teachers, such as putting the kids' paintings up on display. Some of the little girls befriended me, to whom I became sort of a big sister. I also volunteered at the school canteen, where I made friends with kids from different classrooms. I'd be interested to hear which volunteering quotes anyone else found to be particularly moving or inspirational.
Wednesday, October 10, 2007
Topic for Blog 2
Hi everyone,
For my second blog, I have chosen the topic of psychology of volunteerism, looking primarily at research conducted by Clary and Snyder. I myself have given much consideration to becoming a volunteer, maybe something like helping out at the Salvo's or St Vinnie's. I would find working for the RSPCA especially rewarding, due to my interest in and love for all kinds of animals. I am eager to find out the main reasons people choose to take up volunteer work that Clary and Snyder have uncovered.
For my second blog, I have chosen the topic of psychology of volunteerism, looking primarily at research conducted by Clary and Snyder. I myself have given much consideration to becoming a volunteer, maybe something like helping out at the Salvo's or St Vinnie's. I would find working for the RSPCA especially rewarding, due to my interest in and love for all kinds of animals. I am eager to find out the main reasons people choose to take up volunteer work that Clary and Snyder have uncovered.
Monday, September 3, 2007
Friday, August 31, 2007
Blog 1
Blog 1
Introduction
This essay will describe the stereotypes that are commonly held about individuals suffering from mental illness. It will discuss why these stereotypes exist, how they are formed during childhood and how they are maintained during adulthood. The essay will also suggest some ways in which they could be changed. Stereotypes are defined as a set of opinions that link groups of individuals with particular characteristics. Stereotypes can be positive or negative, and altering them is a demanding task. A reason why society uses stereotypes is because they make it easier to understand other people and do not require a great deal of effort to use (Baumeister & Bushman, 2008).
Description of the stereotypes
The most common stereotype is that mental illness sufferers are dangerous individuals. They lack the ability to control their behaviour and are unpredictable, violent and aggressive. The idea of a psychotic murderer or maniac is popular (Byrne, 2000). Mental illness sufferers are often stereotyped as humourous figures. This is commonly found in film and television. Mentally ill characters are often used as comedy material and created for viewers to laugh at rather than laugh with (Byrne). There is a tendency for society to apply the benevolence stigma to mental illness sufferers. This involves stereotyping them as pathetic, naive and childlike characters whose lives need to be managed by a parental figure (Corrigan & Watson, 2004). They may also be stereotyped as being inadequate in character and lacking in common sense and initiative. They are sometimes stereotyped as being weak-willed and incompetent, and therefore responsible for their condition (Corrigan & Watson). Some other stereotypes label the mentally ill as lazy, dishonest and self-centered individuals with an abnormally high sex drive (Byrne). It is not uncommon for society to stereotype the mentally ill as unintelligent individuals who cannot hold down a job or contribute to society, and instead are a burden to society (Arboleda-Florez, 2003).
Why the stereotypes exist
According to Hayward and Bright (1997), there are four likely explanations of why the mental illness stereotype exists. The most direct reason is the idea of dangerousness, that is, people are afraid of mentally ill individuals because they perceive them as inclined to commit violent acts (Hayward & Bright). The second reason is the idea of attribution of responsibility. Members of society tend to perceive individuals with mental illness to be more responsible for their conditions than, for instance, AIDS patients or war veterans. The general public also tends to feel anger and avoidance towards the mentally ill instead of compassion, and tends to be unwilling to offer them assistance. This suggests that society believes that the mentally ill make a conscious decision to act as they do (Hayward & Bright). Another possible reason is the idea that conditions viewed to be difficult to treat with a low prognosis are stigmatized more. Those who hold this belief are more likely to socially avoid sufferers of mental illness (Hayward & Bright). Finally, there is the idea of disruption of normal social interactions. This idea states that mentally ill people are unable to interact in the standard way, and most people would prefer to avoid situations in which the usual rules of socializing are not present. People are thus apprehensive around mental illness sufferers, whom they believe to be unpredictable and unable to conform to the unwritten rules of society (Hayward & Bright).
How the stereotypes are formed
Individuals commonly establish negative attitudes to mental illness sufferers during the early childhood years, attitudes which persist into adulthood (Byrne, 2000). How children develop stereotypes of mental illness has interested some researchers. It is certainly likely that influential figures in a child's life such as parents and other family, friends and teachers play an important role. According to theories of development, the mass media provide a consistent set of images that are absorbed by children, whose views of the world are still being formed (Wahl, 2003). Wahl conducted a literature search to examine how mental illness is depicted in television programs, films, cartoons, comics, popular music and music videos for children and adolescents. He reached numerous conclusions, firstly that there is a wide variety of material available to impressionable young audiences, from which they may form opinions about mental illness. Negative stereotypes predominate in this material. The message they send is that the appropriate response to mental illness sufferers is ridicule and isolation rather than empathy and support (Wahl). Disrespectful slang terms for mental illness are frequently used rather than medical or professional terms. This suggests that this is an acceptable way to address sufferers. Wahl thus stated that the highly influential media promotes the formation of negative stereotypes about mental illness sufferers during childhood.
How the stereotypes are maintained
The mass media is of paramount importance in shaping society's attitudes and beliefs. Research has consistently demonstrated that the mass media portrays mental illness negatively and promotes negative stereotypes. Messages from the media frequently link mental illness with violence and aggression. For instance, cases of mentally ill persons committing violent crimes are given much more prominence in the news than positive stories relating to mental illness. This biased way of reporting helps to reinforce the negative stereotypes (Dietrich, Heider, Matschinger, & Angermeyer, 2006). The media fails to inform the public that only a very slight minority of mental illness sufferers commits violent crimes. Consequently, all sufferers of mental illness are stereotyped due to the actions of a few (Arboleda-Florez, 2003). The media also supports this stereotype through the presentation of films containing characters who are both violent and mentally ill, for example 'The Silence of the Lambs' (Noe, 1997). According to Noe, a process known as handicapism also contributes to the maintenance of the mental illness stereotype. Handicapism refers to a collection of assumptions and methods that encourage people to treat the disabled differently from other individuals. Handicapism prevents individuals with mental illness from developing positive social relationships. This leads to isolation as well as the prevalence of negative attitudes and stereotypes towards the mentally ill (Noe).
How the stereotypes could be reduced
Research has yielded three strategies available for reducing stereotypes. Protest involves calling upon individuals to suppress their stereotypical attitudes by using shame and guilt-inducing tactics. Education involves replacing fallacies about mental illness with accurate information. Contact involves challenging people's stereotypical attitudes by enabling them to socialize directly with mental illness sufferers (Corrigan et al., 2001). A study conducted by Corrigan et al. was designed to examine the effectiveness of each of these strategies. Results found that protest is not a highly effective method for reducing stereotypes, and may result in a rebound effect. This occurs when persons who are told to suppress negative stereotypes become abnormally sensitive to them, which results in unwanted memories about the stigmatized group (Corrigan et al.). Education was met with some success, in that it led to participants linking more positive qualities with mental illness sufferers. After the study, these participants were also more likely to agree that persons with mental illness do benefit from therapy, thus recovery is possible. The researchers also noticed that the more credible and likeable participants found the education leader, the more their attitudes improved (Corrigan et al.).
According to an earlier study conducted by Huxley (1993), people who had simply come upon a mental illness sufferer while out in public were more likely to stereotype them. However, those who had some direct contact with a mentally ill person, such as through being related or acquainted with them, were less likely to use stereotypes. These people were especially unlikely to use stereotypes if the mentally ill person they knew were receiving appropriate therapy (Huxley). The study by Corrigan et al. (2001) supported these findings. Participants who experienced the contact method listened to a ten-minute presentation of an individual discussing their theory of mental illness, followed by a five-minute conversation with them. After the study, these participants were found to have undergone the greatest attitude change. Although further research is ideal, current findings suggest that a variety of forms of contact with mental illness sufferers are highly influential in reducing stereotypical attitudes (Corrigan et al.).
Conclusion
It is thus evident that various negative stereotypes are held about mental illness sufferers. The reasons for the stereotypes' existence are numerous and complex. The mass media is highly influential in the formation and maintenance of these stereotypes. However, strategies are available to help reduce them, with studies demonstrating that contact is the most effective, and education also being worthwhile.
References
Arboleda-Florez, J. (2003). Considerations on the stigma of mental illness. The Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 48, 645-650.
Baumeister, R. F., & Bushman, B. J. (2008). Social Psychology and Human Nature. Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth.
Byrne, P. (2000). Stigma of mental illness and ways of diminishing it. Advances in Psychiatric Treatment, 6, 65-72.
Corrigan, P. W., River, L. P., Lundin, R. K., Penn, D. L., Uphoff-Wasowski, K., Campion, J., Mathisen, J., Gagnon, C., Bergman, M., Goldstein, H., & Kubiak, M. A. (2001). Three strategies for changing attributions about severe mental illness. Schizophrenia Bulletin, 27, 187-195.
Corrigan, P. W., & Watson, A. C. (2004). At issue: Stop the stigma: Call mental illness a brain disease. Schizophrenia Bulletin, 30, 477-479.
Dietrich, S., Heider, D., Matschinger, H., & Angermeyer, M. C. (2006). Influence of newspaper reporting on adolescents' attitudes toward people with mental illness. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 41, 318-322.
Hayward, P., & Bright, J. A. (1997). Stigma and mental illness: A review and critique. Journal of Mental Health, 6, 345-354.
Huxley, P. (1993). Location and stigma: A survey of community attitudes to mental illness - part 1. Enlightenment and stigma. Journal of Mental Health, 2, 73-80.
Noe, S. R. (1997). Discrimination against individuals with mental illness. Journal of Rehabilitation, 63, 1-10. Retrieved August 21, 2007, from http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0825/is_n1_v63/ai_19178150/print
Wahl, O. F. (2003). Depictions of mental illness in children's media. Journal of Mental Health, 12, 249-258.
Appendix A: Self-assessment
For the theory component of assessment, I attempted to find, understand and refer to relevant psychological theories throughout my blog, for instance, utilizing the developmental theory. For the research component, I aimed to conduct a thorough search of the psychological literature. I made sure to check all of the leading psychology databases for relevant information, including Academic Search Premier, PsycINFO, Academic OneFile, Health Reference Center and PubMed Central. I managed to reach the guideline of ten references. For the written expression component, I achieved a Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level of 12.0, Flesch Reading Ease of 28.3 and 17% of sentences were passive. Word count came to 1415 words. I included underlined subheadings in my blog to increase its reading ease, and I made a conscious effort of adhere to the APA citation style.
For the online engagement component, I attempted to demonstrate a high level of engagement by drafting and publishing my blog online. While researching the stereotypes associated with mental illness, I came across one woman's account of the prejudice she had experienced as a result of her mental illness, so I made sure to include a link to it in my blog, to enable others to also read her story. I was also able to attract several meaningful comments to my blog. When publishing my concept map, at first I was only able to get a partial image of it on my blog page. I thus decided to replace it with a link to the website containing it. That way, readers would be able to scroll up and down and left and right to get a clear view of the entire concept map. Regarding ways I could improve for blog 2, next time I will try to leave enough time to comment on other students' blogs. While writing blog 1 I encountered some technical difficulties, leading to several of my paragraphs being erased by accident. I thus had to re-write them, which left me with no time to write comments for other students' blogs.
Introduction
This essay will describe the stereotypes that are commonly held about individuals suffering from mental illness. It will discuss why these stereotypes exist, how they are formed during childhood and how they are maintained during adulthood. The essay will also suggest some ways in which they could be changed. Stereotypes are defined as a set of opinions that link groups of individuals with particular characteristics. Stereotypes can be positive or negative, and altering them is a demanding task. A reason why society uses stereotypes is because they make it easier to understand other people and do not require a great deal of effort to use (Baumeister & Bushman, 2008).
Description of the stereotypes
The most common stereotype is that mental illness sufferers are dangerous individuals. They lack the ability to control their behaviour and are unpredictable, violent and aggressive. The idea of a psychotic murderer or maniac is popular (Byrne, 2000). Mental illness sufferers are often stereotyped as humourous figures. This is commonly found in film and television. Mentally ill characters are often used as comedy material and created for viewers to laugh at rather than laugh with (Byrne). There is a tendency for society to apply the benevolence stigma to mental illness sufferers. This involves stereotyping them as pathetic, naive and childlike characters whose lives need to be managed by a parental figure (Corrigan & Watson, 2004). They may also be stereotyped as being inadequate in character and lacking in common sense and initiative. They are sometimes stereotyped as being weak-willed and incompetent, and therefore responsible for their condition (Corrigan & Watson). Some other stereotypes label the mentally ill as lazy, dishonest and self-centered individuals with an abnormally high sex drive (Byrne). It is not uncommon for society to stereotype the mentally ill as unintelligent individuals who cannot hold down a job or contribute to society, and instead are a burden to society (Arboleda-Florez, 2003).
Why the stereotypes exist
According to Hayward and Bright (1997), there are four likely explanations of why the mental illness stereotype exists. The most direct reason is the idea of dangerousness, that is, people are afraid of mentally ill individuals because they perceive them as inclined to commit violent acts (Hayward & Bright). The second reason is the idea of attribution of responsibility. Members of society tend to perceive individuals with mental illness to be more responsible for their conditions than, for instance, AIDS patients or war veterans. The general public also tends to feel anger and avoidance towards the mentally ill instead of compassion, and tends to be unwilling to offer them assistance. This suggests that society believes that the mentally ill make a conscious decision to act as they do (Hayward & Bright). Another possible reason is the idea that conditions viewed to be difficult to treat with a low prognosis are stigmatized more. Those who hold this belief are more likely to socially avoid sufferers of mental illness (Hayward & Bright). Finally, there is the idea of disruption of normal social interactions. This idea states that mentally ill people are unable to interact in the standard way, and most people would prefer to avoid situations in which the usual rules of socializing are not present. People are thus apprehensive around mental illness sufferers, whom they believe to be unpredictable and unable to conform to the unwritten rules of society (Hayward & Bright).
How the stereotypes are formed
Individuals commonly establish negative attitudes to mental illness sufferers during the early childhood years, attitudes which persist into adulthood (Byrne, 2000). How children develop stereotypes of mental illness has interested some researchers. It is certainly likely that influential figures in a child's life such as parents and other family, friends and teachers play an important role. According to theories of development, the mass media provide a consistent set of images that are absorbed by children, whose views of the world are still being formed (Wahl, 2003). Wahl conducted a literature search to examine how mental illness is depicted in television programs, films, cartoons, comics, popular music and music videos for children and adolescents. He reached numerous conclusions, firstly that there is a wide variety of material available to impressionable young audiences, from which they may form opinions about mental illness. Negative stereotypes predominate in this material. The message they send is that the appropriate response to mental illness sufferers is ridicule and isolation rather than empathy and support (Wahl). Disrespectful slang terms for mental illness are frequently used rather than medical or professional terms. This suggests that this is an acceptable way to address sufferers. Wahl thus stated that the highly influential media promotes the formation of negative stereotypes about mental illness sufferers during childhood.
How the stereotypes are maintained
The mass media is of paramount importance in shaping society's attitudes and beliefs. Research has consistently demonstrated that the mass media portrays mental illness negatively and promotes negative stereotypes. Messages from the media frequently link mental illness with violence and aggression. For instance, cases of mentally ill persons committing violent crimes are given much more prominence in the news than positive stories relating to mental illness. This biased way of reporting helps to reinforce the negative stereotypes (Dietrich, Heider, Matschinger, & Angermeyer, 2006). The media fails to inform the public that only a very slight minority of mental illness sufferers commits violent crimes. Consequently, all sufferers of mental illness are stereotyped due to the actions of a few (Arboleda-Florez, 2003). The media also supports this stereotype through the presentation of films containing characters who are both violent and mentally ill, for example 'The Silence of the Lambs' (Noe, 1997). According to Noe, a process known as handicapism also contributes to the maintenance of the mental illness stereotype. Handicapism refers to a collection of assumptions and methods that encourage people to treat the disabled differently from other individuals. Handicapism prevents individuals with mental illness from developing positive social relationships. This leads to isolation as well as the prevalence of negative attitudes and stereotypes towards the mentally ill (Noe).
How the stereotypes could be reduced
Research has yielded three strategies available for reducing stereotypes. Protest involves calling upon individuals to suppress their stereotypical attitudes by using shame and guilt-inducing tactics. Education involves replacing fallacies about mental illness with accurate information. Contact involves challenging people's stereotypical attitudes by enabling them to socialize directly with mental illness sufferers (Corrigan et al., 2001). A study conducted by Corrigan et al. was designed to examine the effectiveness of each of these strategies. Results found that protest is not a highly effective method for reducing stereotypes, and may result in a rebound effect. This occurs when persons who are told to suppress negative stereotypes become abnormally sensitive to them, which results in unwanted memories about the stigmatized group (Corrigan et al.). Education was met with some success, in that it led to participants linking more positive qualities with mental illness sufferers. After the study, these participants were also more likely to agree that persons with mental illness do benefit from therapy, thus recovery is possible. The researchers also noticed that the more credible and likeable participants found the education leader, the more their attitudes improved (Corrigan et al.).
According to an earlier study conducted by Huxley (1993), people who had simply come upon a mental illness sufferer while out in public were more likely to stereotype them. However, those who had some direct contact with a mentally ill person, such as through being related or acquainted with them, were less likely to use stereotypes. These people were especially unlikely to use stereotypes if the mentally ill person they knew were receiving appropriate therapy (Huxley). The study by Corrigan et al. (2001) supported these findings. Participants who experienced the contact method listened to a ten-minute presentation of an individual discussing their theory of mental illness, followed by a five-minute conversation with them. After the study, these participants were found to have undergone the greatest attitude change. Although further research is ideal, current findings suggest that a variety of forms of contact with mental illness sufferers are highly influential in reducing stereotypical attitudes (Corrigan et al.).
Conclusion
It is thus evident that various negative stereotypes are held about mental illness sufferers. The reasons for the stereotypes' existence are numerous and complex. The mass media is highly influential in the formation and maintenance of these stereotypes. However, strategies are available to help reduce them, with studies demonstrating that contact is the most effective, and education also being worthwhile.
References
Arboleda-Florez, J. (2003). Considerations on the stigma of mental illness. The Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 48, 645-650.
Baumeister, R. F., & Bushman, B. J. (2008). Social Psychology and Human Nature. Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth.
Byrne, P. (2000). Stigma of mental illness and ways of diminishing it. Advances in Psychiatric Treatment, 6, 65-72.
Corrigan, P. W., River, L. P., Lundin, R. K., Penn, D. L., Uphoff-Wasowski, K., Campion, J., Mathisen, J., Gagnon, C., Bergman, M., Goldstein, H., & Kubiak, M. A. (2001). Three strategies for changing attributions about severe mental illness. Schizophrenia Bulletin, 27, 187-195.
Corrigan, P. W., & Watson, A. C. (2004). At issue: Stop the stigma: Call mental illness a brain disease. Schizophrenia Bulletin, 30, 477-479.
Dietrich, S., Heider, D., Matschinger, H., & Angermeyer, M. C. (2006). Influence of newspaper reporting on adolescents' attitudes toward people with mental illness. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 41, 318-322.
Hayward, P., & Bright, J. A. (1997). Stigma and mental illness: A review and critique. Journal of Mental Health, 6, 345-354.
Huxley, P. (1993). Location and stigma: A survey of community attitudes to mental illness - part 1. Enlightenment and stigma. Journal of Mental Health, 2, 73-80.
Noe, S. R. (1997). Discrimination against individuals with mental illness. Journal of Rehabilitation, 63, 1-10. Retrieved August 21, 2007, from http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0825/is_n1_v63/ai_19178150/print
Wahl, O. F. (2003). Depictions of mental illness in children's media. Journal of Mental Health, 12, 249-258.
Appendix A: Self-assessment
For the theory component of assessment, I attempted to find, understand and refer to relevant psychological theories throughout my blog, for instance, utilizing the developmental theory. For the research component, I aimed to conduct a thorough search of the psychological literature. I made sure to check all of the leading psychology databases for relevant information, including Academic Search Premier, PsycINFO, Academic OneFile, Health Reference Center and PubMed Central. I managed to reach the guideline of ten references. For the written expression component, I achieved a Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level of 12.0, Flesch Reading Ease of 28.3 and 17% of sentences were passive. Word count came to 1415 words. I included underlined subheadings in my blog to increase its reading ease, and I made a conscious effort of adhere to the APA citation style.
For the online engagement component, I attempted to demonstrate a high level of engagement by drafting and publishing my blog online. While researching the stereotypes associated with mental illness, I came across one woman's account of the prejudice she had experienced as a result of her mental illness, so I made sure to include a link to it in my blog, to enable others to also read her story. I was also able to attract several meaningful comments to my blog. When publishing my concept map, at first I was only able to get a partial image of it on my blog page. I thus decided to replace it with a link to the website containing it. That way, readers would be able to scroll up and down and left and right to get a clear view of the entire concept map. Regarding ways I could improve for blog 2, next time I will try to leave enough time to comment on other students' blogs. While writing blog 1 I encountered some technical difficulties, leading to several of my paragraphs being erased by accident. I thus had to re-write them, which left me with no time to write comments for other students' blogs.
Monday, August 27, 2007
Stereotyping people with mental illness
I decided to focus on the question regarding stereotypes instead. I have been researching into how those suffering mental illness are stereotyped, and found that it is very common for mental illness sufferers to be stereotyped as dangerous and violent. Here is a link to a woman's experience of prejudice due to her condition.
Monday, August 13, 2007
Introduction
Hi, my name's Rebecca and I'm in my 5th year at uni. My degree is a Bachelor of Science, with majors in Psychology and Human Biology, and a minor in Science Communication. I'll be graduating next year, after which I hope to then do a Diploma of Arts. Since I started uni, my favourite subjects have been Psychology 101 and 102. For Blog 1, I'm thinking of choosing to answer the question on how prejudice and discrimination can be reduced. This is a question that has interested me for a long time.
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